Pro. (Dr.) Madhav Gadgil, Emeritus Scientist, National Centre for Cell Science, S.P. Pune Unviersity Campus, Pune.
Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel (WGEEP) had absolutely no intention of imposing any development or conservation priorities on the people from above. It had observed that we must stop excluding people from decision-making and abandon the currently prevalent pattern of “development by exclusion” coupled to “conservation by exclusion”. It had gone on to call for the elaboration of a model of conservation and development compatible with each other to replace the prevailing ‘Develop recklessly – conserve thoughtlessly’ pattern with one of ‘Develop sustainably – conserve thoughtfully.’ It had emphasized that its recommendations should serve only as a starting point for a bottom-up democratic decision-making process and that the fine-tuning of development-conservation practices to local context would require full involvement of local communities. It had further asserted that it is entirely inappropriate to depend exclusively on an expert body like WGEEP and on government agencies for deciding on and managing Ecologically Sensitive Zones. Instead their final demarcation and fine-tuning of the regulatory as well as promotional regimes must be based on extensive inputs from local communities and local bodies.
Dr. Tuhina Sarkar, Assistant Professor in Political Science, Uluberia College, Uluberia, West Bengal.
The Doklam standoff, the most recent crisis between India and China, withstood belligerent rhetoric of several weeks before the eventual mutual decision to disengage. A plateau located on the strategic tri- junction of Bhutan, the Chumbi Valley in China and the state of Sikkim in India and overlooking the Siliguri corridor in the Indian state of West Bengal is of security concern for India. China's infrastructure- building activities in the region consequently disquieted the Indian side. However, the pragmatism of both leaderships de- escalated tensions as is evident from the quick dissipation of hostilities. Notwithstanding the crisis, Chinese and Indian leaders were ready to engage with each other right after the resolution of Doklam, communicating to the international community the salience of dialogue and pragmatism in managing the crises. The nibbling at territory on the disputed Himalayan borders by the Chinese to militarily challenge India and pressure it by challenging the status quo plays out nicely alongside the diplomatic offensive to curb Indian influence in Nepal and Bhutan. Doklam was the latest throw of dice in that long- term game.
Dr. Vinod Khobragade, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Dayalbagh Educational Institute (Deemed University), Dayalbagh, Agra, Uttar Pradesh
The harsh policy towards Iran would not work positively and the U.S. administra- tion must understand the sense of security threat that expressed by Iran. Iran’s percep- tion is that it is under external threats to its national security from the regional and the world powers as well. And therefore, with- out understanding Iran’s sensitivities, the U.S. should not expect forward steps of Iran towards the negotiation on the crucial is- sues of confrontations. Strongly, for future prospects, there is need to signal soft talks and building of mutual trust rather airing the harsh language of war. The world commu- nity, besides, must stand with the order of justice. The states need to destroy the mu- tual conflicts, or the conflicts will destroy the states and humanity. So, focus must be on soft bilateralism/multilateralism to maintain the just world order. The U.S. must change the perception that “The U.S. is multilateral to the degree that others adopt the U.S. uni- lateral position” (Wallenstein 2004:90). The U.S. must redefi its foreign policy to play meaningful and progressive role in the world order, and, Iran also needs to read new the- sis. Trump must believe in what Immanuel Wallenstein said as “Multipolarity is a great virtue, not a danger for the United States” and “a new era of dialogue among the na- tions (instead of one dominant one telling the rest what to do) would require a change in American outlook akin to a socio-psycho- logical shift of a major order” (ibid:148-49, Chapman 2004). “Unilateralism is itself a demonstration of power and a reinforcement of power,” for instance, the US’s war on Iraq (Wallenstein 2004). By rejecting multilateral global alternatives, therefore, Trump should not confront the World and must relinquish the idea of waging a “war on Iran”. The lead- ers of the US and Iran must believe in what US President Abraham Lincoln once said, “I destroy my enemy when I make them my friend,” and should put down their uncom- promising attitude.
Dr. Santap Sanhari Mishra, Associate Professor, Institute of Leadership and Good Governance (ILG), Ethiopian Civil Service University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
By adopting an exploratory sequential mixed method having 11 interviews and 184 samples, this study has tested the Huberts model and explored the causes of corruption in an Indian context. Then the effect of such causes on quality public service delivery was investigated by a regression analysis. The results of interview and principal component analysis established 10 causes of corruption under 3 groups namely individual, organizational and external. Then the impact study conducted on another 144 samples concluded the negative effect of corruption on public service delivery, crediting more to the organizational factors as compared to individual and external factors.
Dr. B. Madhusudhan, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, N.S.S Hindu College, Changanacherry, Kerala
The digital divide is growing in many of the least developing nations. One of the reasons for the digital divide is the gender divide where women lag behind men in using and accessing digital technology. Many of the developing nations including India are in the process of addressing digital gender divide. Infrastructural and technical problems could be resolved by consensus efforts. However, certain social norms and practices also act as an obstacle to bridging digital divide. The study examines the digital gender divide with special reference to use and access of mobiles in India.
Dr. C. Jeevan Kumar, Assistant Professor, Department of Public Policy, Law and Governance, Central University of Rajasthan, Bandarsindri, Kishangarh, Rajasthan
India adapted itself to ICT revolution in tandem with the neoliberal reforms in the post1990s. Technology is expected o offer many solutions to problems such as administrative inefficiency and corruption. ICTs provide tremendous opportunities to governments for improving administrative transparency, efficiency, and effectiveness of governmental performance. It also opens up more ways for the public to be involved and participate in the policy-making processes. Studies showed that use of ICTs had reduced corruption including improved service delivery. If we evaluate India against Baumi and Di Maio's model, the country remains at the third stage. The relationship between citizens and government did not go beyond limited transactions. In other words, it is transaction driven rather than transformation. Though India is technologically advanced, it has to do more. E-governance is a journey, but not a destination. There have been several issues that hinder digital inclusion, such as, infrastructure, skills, and censorship. More importantly, freedom of the internet and political will are prerequisites of achieving the goals of Digital India. When the citizens are not provided with enough access to the web, it is tantamount to social exclusion from participatory democracy. Unless these problems are addressed, it is impossible to achieve the goals of Digital India. There is a bottom line to the implementation of this programme. Technology neither replaces human beings nor democracy. Mobile connectivity cannot address country’s hunger and basic needs with India ranking 55 in the Global Hunger Index. People are central to all these digital initiatives. Necessary steps have to be taken by the government in this direction.
Dr. P. Lazarus Samraj, Professor, Department of Politics and International Studies, Pondicherry University, C. Gothanda Moorthy, Doctoral Fellow, Department of Politics and International Studies, Pondicherry University and Dr. Vineeth Thomas, Assistant Professor, Department of International Studies and History, CHRIST(Deemed To Be University), Bangalore
The Power hanker politics as practised in India is bringing plethora of challenges to the effective functioning of democracy. The most prominent setbacks faced by Indian democracy are emanating from the culture of dynasty politics, immoral leaders and indifferent youth. These impediments are not only stopping but pulling back the forward march of India’s democratic ideals and principles. Well planned and purposefully coordinated strategies which are tailored according to the character of each challenge are the need of the hour. Above all the higher educational institutions is expected to play a proactive role in producing future visionary leaders by reformulating their syllabus, so that the leadership crisis, moral degradation and political apathy may be effectively addressed.
Dr. M.R. Biju, Dean, School of Social Sciences / Dean, School of Legal Studies and Head, Department of Public Administration and Policy Studies, Central University of Kerala, Kasargode and M.R.B. Anantha Padmanabha, Deputy Editor, South Asian Journal of Socio Political Studies (SAJOSPS)
For the left parties in Kerala it is the time for a clear introspection. Unless they adopt stringent corrective measures, they may soon be on the road to elimination. Arrogance of some top most leaders of the left parties and violence promoted by a section are primarily responsible for the party’s decline in the state. While the Kan- nur model of violence practiced by party workers across the state has had a drastic impact, even other factors cannot be neglected. While instances of apparent double speak led to a loss of credibility, a sour lack of connect with the masses too may have contributed to the rout. The authoritarian style of functioning of the state Chief Minister also contributed a lot. For example on issues like Sabarimala, the stand of the CM was not in tune with the ground realities prevailed in the state. The Hindus comprising the Ezhavas and Nairs have been main supporters of the CPM. The way the order of the apex court on Sabarimala was handled by the state government forced a large section of the Hindu women to desert the party. Further, the left par- ties unlike the past are unable to convince the people outside the party and take them into confidence. The leadership even refused to listen the pulse of the common man, naturally the sympathizers began dwindling.
Dr. Md. Ayub Mallick, Department of Political Science, University of Kalyani, Nadia, West Bengal
The success of parliamentary democracy depends upon willingness of the minority to accept the majority rule, agreement on fundamental rules of the game and eternal vigilance of the public (Bhardwaj 1980, p. 30). Otherwise, it will weaken democracy, what Norberto Bobbio (1987) calls ‘broken promises’ of democracy (Bobbio 1987, p. 8). Bobbio warns about the defects in inherence that without proper application and operation democracy might result in discordance, irregularities, disorder and instability. So, due respect to the rules of the game, both constitutive and regulatory should there be. The simple fact of the matter I that the world has never built a multi-ethnic democracy in which no particular ethnic group is in majority and where political equality, social equality and economies that empower all have been achieved. Representation is public, therefore, no secret session, secret agreements be committed to ensure democracy educative, creative, logical and comprehensive, in essence, harmless and idyllic. Today’s parliamentary democracy drifts away from its purposes and goals abolishing separation of powers between executive, legislature and judiciary, freedom of the individuals and parliamentary privileges and immunities, thereby public suffers from terrible disillusionment about parties and parliaments as f close-door politics of party coteries and formality politics of parliamentarians (Schmitt 1985, pp. 49-50). Therefore, openness and discussion are two main pillars of parliamentarism, i.e. truth and justice. Here, participation in politics and participation in the development process are also important. There are four measures of protecting democracy, namely following the rules of the game of democracy, giving the opportunity and legitimacy to political opponents or opposition parties, toleration of political violence and giving the political opponents to flourish to take part in socio-political dialogue.
Dr. Sujit Lahiry, Associate Professor of Political Science, Panjab University Regional Centre, Sri Muktsar Sahib, Punjab
The framers of the Indian Constitution had vowed to constitute India into a ‘Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic, Republic’. And, the Indian state under Nehru avowedly followed this principle, both in letter and spirit. However, the rise of erstwhile Jan Sangh and later on BJP in the last two decades had fuelled the rise of Hindu-Muslim communal polarization. It is also envisioned in BJPs overzealous drive to create a ‘Hindu Rashtra’. In other words, the state far from being a neutral arbitrar in religious matters is trying to forge a dominant and majoritarian Hindu nationalism and democracy. This paper treats the mixing of religion and politics, i.e., religious politics as a manifestation of political corruption, especially as illustrated in contemporary India. It critically analyzes the endemic communal and divisive politics of the Sangh Parivaar, ever since 2014, when the Narendra Modi government came to power. The Modi-Amit Shah duo had unleashed a reign of terror, which can be referred to as ‘Hindu Terrorism’. What substantiates my argument is that immediately after coming to power in 2014, the Narendra Modi government has purportedly sought to delete the two words, ‘Socialist’ and ‘Secular’ from the Indian Constitution. ‘Ghar Wapsi’, ‘Love Jihad’, mob lynching on beef eating assumptions are some of the prime examples of this trend of aggressive and militant Hindutva. Moreover, politico corruption is also ensured through Modi’s demonetization drive in November-December 2016, as well as in the present regime of Shivraj Singh Chauhan in Madhya Pradesh (Vyapam Scam) and the communal politics of the former Akali-BJP government in Punjab from 2007 to 2017. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s dumping of the ‘Mahagatbandhan’ and forming an opportunistic alliance with the BJP and eventually JD (United)’s amalgamation into BJP-led NDA reflects his hollow face of secularism. This paper concludes with the argument that left and social-democratic strand of the united opposition should strive to work hard towards mitigating the rising religious intolerance as unleashed by the BJP government at the Centre under Modi. This will put an end to the religio-politico corruption as prevailing in contemporary India. It is the hope and belief of every enlightened and radical citizens of India that 2019 will lay the foundation of a new government at the Centre, which will be socialist and secular in orientation and lay the foundations of a more democratic and secular India.
Dr. Deepak Kumar Pandey, Assistant Professor, GDC Bazpur, US Nagar, Uttarakhand
Since very beginning of the societal institutions with power structure, the question of individual status vis- a –vis these structures have been enquired into. The quest to find some theorization and to maintain the equilibrium between these two; leads too many theories, some tilted toward one end and some towards another. Some theories make efforts to have a proper balance between these two. From ancient Greek theorists to modern theorists, effort has been made to draw and point the line on which this balance could be made. The need to control; control with the exercise of power creates the space for power structures like states, and the cry for space for individual to define the limits, leads to the notion of liberty, justice and other entitlements, which they may claim from these structures. Claim for entitlements, which necessitate social ‘animal’ to be ‘political’; under the power structure of social life pave the way for the evolution of state and its citizenship in its various forms. Citizenship encompasses the body of rights and political entitlements of claimants under a definite political boundary. Rights, like laws and institution, were bound up with the realization of individuals and their needs. Another issue is that, does every claimant has a right to claim? Or only to those claimants, who are recognized by these power structures (like state). There is a long confrontation between duties as a subject owed to state or authoritative structures and duties of state towards their subjects (or citizens) as the sole authority in political domain. Here this differentiation leads to concept of citizen and subjects in political structure. The differentiation between citizens and subjects (non claimants and without any entitlements or negligible entitlement) is very much visible from beginning in the discourse of polity. State and power structure demands the duties as subjects and provide the entitlements as rights of citizens. In this paper attempt will be made to analyse and enquire the citizenship of Vantangia people in different contexts having political entitlements they possess. Vantangia community, which evolved as community during British period arises because of the colonial needs as of Girmitiya and Teenkathiya Community. This community is mainly found in some blocks of eastern UP region and also in some pockets of Terai region of Uttarakhand. This paper will make an attempt to explore the Citizenry Rights of Vantangia people in Context of theories of citizenship.
Phulmoni Das, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Dibrugarh University, Dibrugarh, Assam
Subaltern resistance led by the subaltern groups is not new phenomenon to Indian history as it has been deeply marked in a long historical time. But the struggles of the subaltern groups have not been added to the mainstream discourses of history writing for quite some time. It was the initiative of the Subaltern Studies Group who first tried to make a serious attempt to trace the missing linkages of Subaltern struggle and to bring it to the mainstream discourses. Indian politics is marked by the influence of different subaltern movements lead by different subaltern groups such as dalits, adivasis, rural landless, tribals, minorities etc. This paper is an attempt to trace out the theoretical understanding of the subaltern resistances in India since colonial period. India also has been witnessing the proliferation of subaltern movements in post independent period. It is in this context this paper also tries to highlight the quest for identity movement of the tea garden community of Assam, as this community has been recognized as the one of the most marginal and depressed group of section. Based on their marginality and subalternity this community is referred as subaltern. Deprivation of this identity has lead to another phase of movement among the tea garden community of Assam. Ever since India became independent these people lost their Scheduled tribe status in Assam and thus they were deprived of their educational, economic and political privileges guaranteed by the Constitution of India.
Prof. (Dr.) Swami Prakash Srivastava, Head, Dept. Of Economics, Faculty of Social Sciences, Dayalbagh Educational Institute (Deemed University)-Agra
Oil will account for 27% of the global energy mix in 2035, down from 31% in 2011 but still the dominant source of energy. To meet its energy needs, India has cast its net wide and avoided getting involved in regional rivalries in the Islamic world. As sectarian Shia-Sunni and civilisational Arab-Persian-Israeli rivalries dominate the geo-politics of our western neighbourhood today, India faces a very different situation from what it confronted four decades ago, when the 1973 Arab-Israeli conflict flared up. Fuel prices in India are on record highs due to high oil prices and a weakening rupee, leading to outrage amongst the huge middle class population. This poses inflationary risks as well as can further aggravate the slide of rupee, which threatens the macro-economy management.
Aleena Thomas, Research Scholar, Department of International Relations and Politics, Central University of Kerala, Kasaragod and Dr. K. Jayaprasad, Dean, School of Global Studies / School of Cultural Studies / Professor and Head, Department of International Relations and Politics, Central University of Kerala, Kasaragod
The economic development, growing industrial sector and the large population have made energy a significant concern for India. However the uneven access of modern energy and the fossil fuel concentrated energy mix are the major issues behind its energy landscape. It is third largest energy consuming nation but a large section of people from rural area does not have access to continuous and reliable modern energy resources. Coal is the major source in the power and industrial sector. Crude oil is not only decides 99% of transport sector but also a main determinant factor of Indian economy. Energy mix of the country includes hydrocarbon resources as a major share. The consumption of finite fossil fuel put tremendous burden on environment and people of earth. So the paper analyses major issues of India’s energy choices and its implications on people, environment and climate.
Tanvi Yadav, UGC-Junior Research Fellow, Department of Public Policy, Law and Governance, Central University of Rajasthan and Prof. (Dr.) Nagendra Ambedkar Sole, Department of Public Policy, Law and Governance, Central University of Rajasthan
Witch hunting is a superstitious practice that prompts the abuse and death of more than a hundred women in India yearly. The practice is rampant in different parts of the country, including Rajasthan. Witch hunting is an organized act of violence against women in which an individual is blamed for witchcraft and the whole community endorses the punishment for that person. This social malevolence is often embedded in the traditional and cultural belief system of the society. In the light of that fact, it is indeed harder to handle such cultural violence. Empowerment of women is possible only when such superstition and unscrupulous belief are rooted out from the society. Prevailing laws in India have failed to address this issue. Different social activists, groups, and even judiciary have on numerous times voiced for the need of special laws to stop such inhuman activities, yet there is no national law on the subject, though some states have enacted special laws such as the Rajasthan Witch Hunting Prevention Act 2015, enacted recently to curb growing menace of witch-hunting. The present paper analyses the prevalence of the cultural violence in Rajasthan through case studies. The paper will also investigate the need of legal reforms to stop such social evil and to empower victims of this evil practice, at the grass root level.
Dr. Nilanjan Sengupta, Professor – HRM, SDM Institute for Management Development, Mysuru, Karnataka and Dr. Mousumi Sengupta, Professor – HRM, SDM Institute for Management Development, Mysuru, Karnataka.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) is an emerging trend in human resource management (HRM) to reduce manual effort and intervention. The current environment of business is changing fast, where speed, agility and accuracy seems to be the crucial factors for organizational growth and survival. Keeping the debate and discussion regarding Industry 4.0 stage being conceived as fourth phase of industrial revolution, characterized by the current trend of automation and data exchange in manufacturing technologies, HRM professionals find themselves at crossroad, in deciding whether to implement artificial intelligence in the HR function within their organizations. AI is envisaged to play an increasingly important role in talent management, by contributing into employee selection, development and learning, management and leadership, fraud detection and compliance, employee well-being and engagement, and employee self-service and candidate management. However, there are several issues that needs to be resolved before AI can fully integrate with HR function to be successfully implemented in organizations. The present paper makes an attempt to address some of the significant issues, in this context.
Dr. S. Nagabhushan Rao, Associate Professor, Centre for Panchayati Raj, NIRDPR, Hyderabad
India is largely rural and a country of villages. According to census 2011, there are 6,49,481 villages representing rural India. The village economy is the soul of Indian economy. The villages provide food security to the country. If the village fails to produce the food grains, the country starves. Culturally, the villages are full of traditions and family values. It is a tradition of joint family and the human relations were unbroken. The human feelings and emotions expressed in villages are still a happy family. The rural India (villages) is vibrant with 68.84% of human resources, fascinating culture and ethnic values but, unemployed and underutilised. The rural India suffers from innumerable problems. The widespread poverty, growing inequalities, rapid population growth, rising unemployment (65% of youth are in the age group of working) in rural areas is a concern. The problems of hunger, ignorance, ill health and high mortality are most acute. The villages also face natural calamities like droughts, floods. Therefore, there is a dire necessity to develop the infrastructure and also to improve the quality of life in rural areas. The Government is initiating many strategies to develop the rural India. One of the new initiative is village adoption by the Hon’ble Members of Parliament (MP) i.e., Sansad Adarsh Gram Yojana (SAGY). The SAGY (SAANJHI) is an innovative approach to create ‘Model Village / Adarsh Village’. The aim of SAGY is to keep the soul of rural India alive by providing access to basic amenities and opportunities to enable the villagers to shape their own destiny. The MPs will adopt one village in their constituency and develop it as a model village. In development aspect the SAGY aims provision of basic amenities like education, health, sanitation, agriculture, livelihoods and infrastructure like roads. The moral values are people’s participation, Antyodaya, gender equality, dignity of women, social justice, spirit of community service, cleanliness, eco-friendliness, maintaining ecological balance, peace and harmony, mutual cooperation, self-reliance, local self-government, transparency and accountability in public life, etc. The present case study focuses on Jorandajharia, a village in remote part of Chhattisgarh state, adopted by the Hon’ble MP Shri. Nand Kumar Sai, Member of Parliament from Rajya Sabha. The present study discuses about the transformation of rural world through village adoption.
Pro. (Dr.) M. Sarngadharan, Senior Fellow- ICSSR at Gulathi Institute of Finance and taxation, Thiruvananthapuram Kerala.
The focus of Tourism industry has been switched on as an agent of social change, instrumental in reducing disparities among nations, regions and people. Innovative tourism products are devised all over the world with a view to attracting more number of tourists at each destination. The state of Kerala has been recognized internationally as tourist paradise with the appreciation and higher ratings bestowed by renowned agencies in the field. So many unique products are accessible to the tourists extensively all over the State. Unlike other tourist destinations, it is an added that tourism of Kerala is never seasonal in nature. The state was gravely endured by one of the worst floods during August 2018, and most of the regions of the state were submerged in water, compelling more than 80 per cent of tourists to cancel their bookings. The floods had ravaged 12 out of the 14 revenue districts in the state. However, within a short span of time, the Kerala tourism industry has regained normalcy of about 90 percent to accommodate tourists for the upcoming period. It is in this backdrop that an attempt is made in the current paper to examine the need for reinforcing the tourism industry for attracting the internal tourists, national tourists and international tourists to Kerala. Findings of the study are credited to the secondary data collected from the Tourism Department, Government of Kerala and views enunciated from the experts in the field, with whom detailed discussions were held. The study has identified five major tourism products in the state that require high prioritization in the forthcoming days.